Denis Ermolin

Death Space and Ethno-Cultural Mosaics of Prizren (Kosovo)

Denis Ermolin - Junior Research Fellow at the Department of European Studies, Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), Russian Academy of Sciences, Saint-Petersburg. denis.ermolin@gmail.com

The article explores the visual and verbal means that help to represent different identities in the semantic field of death in a contemporary Balkan city, which consists of street necrologies, tombstones and cemetery premises. The research is focused on the city of Prizren situated in the partially-recognized Republic of Kosovo. The data were collected during fieldwork expeditions in 2010 - 2013. The hypothesis is that the sacred space of death in city landscape, comparing to rural setting, is more open to innovation, and therefore the current social processes are better reflected, thus new articulated forms of identity representation and expression are developed. Historical cemeteries, as well as cemeteries of ethnic and confessional minorities, function as sites of memory and play an important role in the construction of current cultural landscape and historical map of Kosovo.

Keywords: Kosovo, Serbia, Prizren, urban cemeteries, necrologies, death space, identities, multiculturalism, multiconfessional situation.

On 17 FEBRUARY 2008, the Kosovo Parliament unilaterally declared the independence of the Republic of Kosova1 from Serbia. On the same day, a vote was held on the approval of new state symbols - the flag and coat of arms. As the official symbolism, a variant was chosen that was the result of finalizing one of the projects submitted for the competition.

1. Further - RK, Kosovo. The Russian Federation refused to recognize the sovereignty of the Republic of Kazakhstan and continues to consider it part of Serbia. - Ed. note.

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(authors Mentor Shalya, Besnik Zuli)2: on a blue background, the golden silhouette of Kosovo and six white stars on top symbolize the peoples living in the country - Albanians, Serbs, Turks, Gypsies, Bosniaks and Gorans 3. Three days later, the Law on State Symbols of the Republic of Kazakhstan came into force; the flag with these symbols was designed to reflect the multi-ethnic nature of the new state (Art. Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan 4).

Currently, Albanians in Kosovo constitute an absolute majority (according to the 2011 census, 5 - about 93%), profess Islam (96%) and Catholicism (4%). It is impossible to determine the exact number of Serbs, as they boycotted the last census in the communities of Kosovska Mitrovica, Leposavic, Zubin Potok and Zvecan, but it is estimated that Serbs make up between 1.5 and 5% of the total population of the region. The share of each of the other ethnic groups - Bosniaks, Gorans, Gypsies (Egyptians, Roma and Ashkali), Turks-ranges from 0.5 to 2%.

These data are presented in order to show that from the very first independent steps, Pristina (not without strong recommendations from the EU and the United States) created an image of an independent Kosovo as a multi-ethnic and secular state that guarantees the independence of Kosovo.

2. For the text of the competition regulations and sketches of submitted projects, see: http:// www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/rs-kosad. html#con (accessed from 21.12.2013).

3. Bosniaks (also Bosniaks, Serbian, Horv., slaughterhouse. Bosnjaci) is an ethnonym currently used to refer to Bosnian Muslims of Slavic origin (in Yugoslavia, the term Muslimani was used since 1971), in contrast to Bosniaks (Serbian, Horv., boen. Bosanci), i.e. residents of Bosnia and Herzegovina, regardless of religion. The Gorans are an ethno-local group of Muslim Slavs living in the Hora region (Kosovo, Albania, Macedonia) and distinguished by a special identity, dialect, and some aspects of material culture. See: Lutovac M. Hora and Opole. Beograd, 1955; Mladenovih., Govor sharplaninske zhupe Gora River//Српски дщалектолошки зборник. Book 48. Beograd, 2001; Sobolev A. N. O govore goranov v Albanii v obshchebalkanskoy perspektivke [On the Goran dialect in Albania in the general Balkan perspective]. МеЬународни тематски зборник. Book 1.Jezik i narodna traditscha [Jezik and Folk Traditions]. Kosovska Mitrovica, 2010. pp. 291-299 -; Toncheva V. Nepoznatata Gora. Sofia, 2012; Dugushinaa. S, Ermolin D. S., Morozova M. S. Ethnographic observations in the Hora region (Albania, Kosovo): based on the materials of the 2011 expedition//Materials of field research of the MAE RAS, Issue 13 / ed. by E. G. Fedorova. St. Petersburg: MAE RAS, 2013, pp. 50-65.

4. For the text of the Constitution in Albanian, Serbian and English, see: http://www.kryeministri-ks.net/repository/docs/Kushtetuta.е.Republikes.se.Kosoves. pdf (accessed 12.12.2013).

5. The results of the census are available on the website of the Statistical Agency of Kosovo. http://esk.rks-gov.net/rekos20ll/repository/flipbook/l/Te%2odhenat%20 kryesore_ALB/#/o (accessed 12.12.2013).

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the rights of citizens to preserve and express their national, ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity (Article 59 of the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan). Without this compromise step on the part of the Albanians, the international forces involved in the fate of Kosovo would never have allowed its independence to be declared.6 However, for the sake of justice, it should be noted that the 1990 Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo 7 stated that it "represents a democratic state of the Albanian people and people of other nations and national minorities who are its citizens: Serbs, Muslims, Montenegrins, Croats, Turks, Gypsies and others" (Article 1 of the Constitution " Kacanika"),- which are equal in civil law and have the right to use their national symbols.

Returning to the current situation, it should be noted that, despite the declared and cultivated polyethnicity and multiculturalism (which, indeed, has characterized this land for centuries), Kosovo in the XXI century is a territory where the dominant culture is definitely Albanian. The processes of ethno-cultural homogenization8, the most active phase of which occurred in the 1990s-2000s, are especially evident in cities that have traditionally been positive examples of interethnic, intercultural, social and interfaith contacts.

A typical example in the western Balkans is Prizren (Alb. Prizren-i, Serbian. Prizren is a typical Balkan city

6. Ingimundarson, V. (2007) "The Politics of Memory and the Reconstruction of Albanian National Identity in Postwar Kosovo", History and Memory 19 (1): 97 - 98.

7. On September 7, 1990, in the village of Kacanik, Albanian deputies of the Legislative Assembly of the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija came up with a draft of a new constitution of the province, guaranteeing Kosovo independence and the right to self-determination, albeit as part of Yugoslavia. This document was subsequently used in the self-proclaimed Republic of Kosovo (1991-2000).

8. However, over the past few years, there has been a small influx of Serbian refugees who were forced to leave their homes between 1998 and 1999. According to rough estimates, from 3 to 7 thousand Serbs have returned to Kosovo since 2000. See: Martynova M. Y. Ethnic factor in the fate of Kosovo// Kosovo: past, present, future / Ed. by S. A. Romanenko, B. A. Shmelev. SPb: Aleteya, 2013-p. 134_1 35-

9. For more information about the characteristics of the Balkan city and other types of settlements in the Balkans, see: Todorov N. Balkanskiyat grad XV-XIX vek. Socio-economic and demographic development. Sofia: NI, 1972; Sobolev A. N. Osnovy lingvokul'turnoy antropogeografii Balkanskogo peninsulrova [Fundamentals of linguocultural anthropogeography of the Balkan Peninsula]. TomI. Homo balcanicus and its Space, St. Petersburg: Nauka; Miinchen: Otto Sagner, 2013, pp. 110-134-

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city. Its historical core is made up of trade and craft districts-charshiya, and the city itself is divided into a dozen blocks 10, which reflects the general Balkan mechanisms of confessional, linguistic, professional and socio-cultural division of citizens into various groups 11. The domes of Serbian churches and minarets of Ottoman mosques interspersed with each other serve as the main spatial dominants.

The city of Prizren is located in the south of the Republic of Kosovo (in the Serbian nomenclature of territorial administrative units-the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija)12. It is assumed that on the site of the present city there were the cities of Theranda, mentioned in Ptolemy's Geography in the II century, and Petrizen (no De aedificis Procopius, V century). During the early Middle Ages, the city was at various times part of or under the control of the First Bulgarian Kingdom, Byzantium, and the Serbian state of Stefan Nemanja and the Dusan Empire. In the middle of the 15th century. Prizren was captured by the Ottoman Turks and remained in the Ottoman Empire until 1912; in 1918, it found itself on the territory of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and then in Yugoslavia (with the exception of a brief period of 1941-1944, when a puppet state - the Grand Duchy of Albania-was formed in the territories occupied by fascist troops with an Albanian-speaking population)13. In the last decades of the Ottoman Empire, Prizren was part of the Kosovo Vilayet (1877-1913), being the administrative center of the Prizren Sanjak and one of the most important cities of the entire vilayet. It is also necessary to

10. Names of Prizren neighborhoods in Serbian, Albanian, and Turkish see: Sobolev A. N. Osnovy lingvokul'turnoi antropogeografii Balkanskogo peninsulrova. P. 129-A quarter of a Balkan city or village is called mahala (from Turkish mahalle). The term came into use due to the Ottoman administrative-political and socio-cultural influence. In the case of a village, mahala is usually inhabited by members of the same family or clan (Slav. r Goethe, alb. fis).

11. Lutovac, M. (1935) La Metohija: Etude de geographie humaine, pp. 58-60. Paris: H. Champion; Sobolev A. N. Osnovy lingvokul'turnoi antropogeografii Balkanskogo peninsulrova [Fundamentals of linguocultural anthropogeography of the Balkan peninsula]. pp. 129-130.

12. Geographically, the city is located in the Metohija sub-region (Serbia). Memoxuja Greek. Merqjfia "church land", alb. Rrafshi i Dukagjinit), and that is why we do not find a description of Prizren in the most detailed descriptions of the Kosovo (polje) region by B. Nusic (1902, 1903) and A. Urosevic (1965) (see bibliography).

13. For the entry of Prizren into various state formations in different historical periods, see Malcolm, N. (2002) Kosovo. A Short History, pp.41 - 44, 91, 263. London: Macmillan.

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It should be mentioned that in 1878-1881 the Prizren (Albanian) League was formed and actively operated in Prizren14.

According to the latest estimates, the city's population is 178 thousand people (2012). The 1530 Sanjak of Prizren defter states that Prizren consists of four Muslim and nine Christian quarters.15 However, a hundred years later (in 1623/1624), the envoy of the Papal Mission, Pieter Mazreku, reported that the city's ethno-confessional population consisted of 12 thousand Muslims, almost all of whom were Albanians, 200 people of the Catholic faith and a large number of Serbs.16 At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the Albanian intellectual and patriot Sami Frasheri spoke of 38,000 inhabitants, mentioning that 17 of the city's population are Albanians, mostly Muslims, and the rest are represented by Catholics and Orthodox Christians (sic!); at the same time, according to him, there are also Vlas and Slavic minorities 18. the ethnic portrait of the city should mention the community of Prizren Turks 19, as well as an impressive percentage

14. The Prizren (Albanian) League (Alb. Lidhja (Shqiptare) e Prizrenit) was a national-political organization that included representatives of the feudal nobility, officials and large merchants who came from the territories of the Ottoman Empire inhabited by Albanians. The League's original goal was to counteract the implementation of the decisions of the Berlin Congress of 1878, and subsequently the activities of this organization were aimed at uniting and rallying all Albanians, regardless of their social status, type of activity, political beliefs and, most importantly, religious affiliation. For more information, see: Brief history of Albania / Ed. by G. L. Arsh. Moscow: Nauka, 199 2-pp. 163-198; Ivanov N. V. Albanians and their neighbors. Moscow: Nauka, 2006. pp. 109-124; Stavrianos, L. S. (2008) The Balkans since 1453, pp. 502 - 504. London: Hurst; et al.

15. Gashi, S. (2013) Prizreni. Udherrefyes historik, pp. 25. Prizren.

16. Pulaha, S. (1983) Populsia shqiptare e Kosov'es gjat'e shek. XV-XVI, pp.488 - 489. Tirane: 8 Nentori.

17. All the figures available to historians should be taken critically, since they sometimes contradict each other (for example, the data of S. Frasheri and I. Zwijich differ by 8 thousand for approximately the same period). In this study, some of them are given only to illustrate the trends of increasing percentage of the Albanian population since the 17th century. For a fairly detailed overview of the ethno-confessional situation in Prizren, see: Prenkaj, M. (1988) Prizreni dhe rrethina ne shekullin XIX dhe nefillim t'e shekullit XX, pp. 23-28. Prishtine; Gashi, S. (2013) Prizreni, pp. 22-42.

18. Frasheri, S. (1984) Vepra, pp. 137 - 139. Veil. 7. Prishtine: Rilindja.

19. Petrovich, S. (2010) "Zbirka rechi iz Prizren Dmytrija Chemerikija kao izvor za pruchavan jezicke i kulturne interferencije na Kosova i Metohshi", in S. Miloradovih (ed.) Kosova i Metohija u civilizacijskim tokovima, pp. 195-206. Kosovska Mitrovica; Sobolev A. N. Osnovy lingvokul'turnoy antropogeografii Balkanskogo peninsulrova [Fundamentals of linguocultural anthropogeography of the Balkan Peninsula]. pp. 127-128.

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Islamized Slavic population-Bosniaks and Gorans, who move to the city from rural areas (primarily Sredska Zhupa and Prizrenska Gora), where these ethnic groups live compactly. In addition to the co-existence of Serbian Orthodoxy and Albanian Islam, which is quite common in Kosovo, Prizren has one of the largest Catholic communities (let me remind you that in Kosovo up to 10 thousand Albanians practice Catholicism) and tekke (Alb. teqe-ja, from tur. tekke "abode of the dervishes") of the Sufi tariqas qadiriyah, Rifa'iyyah, halvetiyah and some others 20. Even this most general information is enough to show that Prizren can serve as a vivid example of a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and polyphonic Balkan city, striking with the diversity of faiths and denominations, cultures and idioms of its inhabitants.21
Let's try to understand how the space of death is formed in the conditions of this ethno-cultural and confessional mosaic of Prizren.

The material was obtained during ethnographic and linguistic expeditions of the Russian Academy of Sciences to the Balkan Peninsula (led by A. A. Novik and A. N. Sobolev), which included work on the territory of Kosovo (2010-2013). The methods of collecting the material were observations in the cemeteries of Prizren and other cities of the country (Pristina, Jakova/Djakovica, Peyia/Pech, etc.), photo recording of gravestone monuments and the territory of the cemetery space, as well as free conversations with cemetery visitors (both ordinary people and professionals - gravediggers, stonecutters, and religious servants), including during festive visits (for example, on small Eid al-Fitr). The collection of materials for the analysis of street obituaries was carried out by photo-fixing.

The space of death as a sacred territory

The purpose of this study is to identify the range of visual and verbal means (graphic and color symbols, artistic and linguistic features), with the help of

20. Rexhepagiqi, J. (2003) Dervishet dhe teqete: ne Kosove, ne Sanxhak dhe ne rajonet perreth. Peje: Dukagjini. Pp. 146 - 148; Gashi, S. (2013) Prizreni. Pp. 109 - 115.

21. Sobolev A. N. Osnovy lingvokul'turnoy antropogeografii Balkanskogo peninsulrova [Fundamentals of linguocultural anthropogeography of the Balkan Peninsula]. pp. 125-127.

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which represent different identities in the semantic space of death of a modern Balkan city. This space includes a collection of street obituaries, gravestone monuments, and cemeteries in general (both memorial and public-with a different set of functions and symbols)22.

Theoretically, the research focuses on a number of concepts and concepts. First, following Michel Foucault, I see the cemetery as an example of heterotopia23where the usual relations between the existing and non-existing do not work, and the categories of space and time are related in a specific way. In the space of heterotopia, social relations, bodily practices, and behavioral algorithms are possible that are excluded from the normal order of everyday life. The cemetery space takes on new, different and / or secondary meanings that are understandable only to those who are not casual passers-by in this place and can read the relevant information. A striking example is the ritual visits to the cemetery, which are made on Little Adha. So, on the day before Bayram, in the cemeteries of Pristina and Prizren, I recorded the practice of watering graves with water, and, according to my observations, exclusively among Muslim Slavs. When asked why this is done, respondents answered (as is usually the case in such cases) that this is simply the tradition 24. A visit to the cemetery for performing certain ritual actions

22. Roth, И., and Roth, J. (199°) "Public Obituaries in South-east Europe", International Folklore Review 7: 80 - 87; Zoric, D. (1991) "Nadgrobni spomenici i simbolizam identiteta", in Simboli identiteta: studije, eseji, grada, pp. 196 - 202. Zagreb: X-Press, 1991; Stroehle, I. (2006) "Pristina's Martyrs' Cemetery. Conflicting Commemorations", Sildosteuropa 54: 404-425; Karaboeva, E. (2010) Obituary of The author. Българинът пред лицето на смъртта. Sofia: University Publishing House " Sv. Kliment Ohridski."

23. Foucault, M. (1984) "Des espaces autres (conference au Cercle d'etudes architecturales, 14 mars 1967)", Architecture, Mouvement, Continuite 5: 46 - 49.

24. Ritual watering of graves and washing of bones with water or wine (including in the case of so-called re-burial) are widely known and well described in the Balkan material, in particular Albanian, Romanian, Bulgarian, Greek and Gagauz. See: Vakarelski, H. Bulgarski obichai funerals: Сравнително изучаване. Sofia: na BAN Publishing House, 1990; Bapovih, L. Smrt i onostranost u kletvama. 66. Beograd: SANU, 2009. pp. 76-77; Golant N. G. Pogrebalno-pominalnaya obryadnost 'i mifologicheskie predstavleniya, svyazannye so smert' u zhizni severnoi Oltenii (Rumania) [Funeral rituals and mythological representations associated with death among the inhabitants of northern Oltenia (Romania)]. K. Chistov, M. A. Rubtsova, St. Petersburg: MAE RAS, 2011, pp. 145-150; Danforth, L. M. and Tsiaras, A. (1982) The Death Rituals of Rural Greece, pp. 15-21.

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It can be interpreted as an attempt at an actional (and in some cases verbal) dialogue between the living and the dead, and the cemetery space itself becomes the locus of this interaction.

Secondly, both obituaries and cemeteries are designed to support the memory of the deceased. In this sense, the space of death can be understood as a "lieu de memoire" in the concept of Pierre Nora25. This is especially true of memorial and historical cemeteries, mass graves and graves of outstanding personalities, which are an integral part of the group's collective memory. As an example, it is enough to recall the symbolic role that was assigned to the mausoleums of political leaders in socialist countries. In the space of death in the city of Prizren, one of the most vivid places of memory can be considered the 15th-century Ottoman memorial cemetery "Karabash", whose geographical and semantic dominant is the turbe (mausoleum, from Turkish tiirbe, "grave") of the Turkish military leader Karabash Bab (Karabash Efendi), next to which are the turbe of the daughter of the local bey Kemani Rabiyeh Khanim (1905) and turbe Sheikh Hussein (1926; belonged to the khalvetiya tariqa). This passage refers us to the most important period of Balkan history - the five-century Ottoman rule, which had a huge impact on the ethno-social processes that took place in Kosovo in the XX-XXI centuries, that is, after the collapse of the empire itself.

Third, both the obituary board and the cemetery have many connotations that are significant for the living-representatives of various social, religious, ethnic and national groups. These places can be considered, according to Ivan Cholovic, as markers of the sacred space of the nation, that is, its symbolic borders and outposts. 26 Cholovic gives an example of a political action - the transfer of the remains of the Serbian poet Jovan Ducic from Libertyville (Illinois, USA), where he was buried, to his hometown of Trebinje, in 2000. Territories of the current independent Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina: *

Princeton: Princeton University Press; Tirta, M. (2004) Mitologjia nder shqiptare, pp. 227, 230 - 231. Tirane: TOENA; и др.

25. Nora, P. (ed) (1997) Les lieux de memoire. Vol. 1. Paris: Quarto Gallimard.

26. Colovic, I. (2011) The Balkans: The Terror of Culture. Essays in Political Anthropology, pp. 60 - 62. Baden-Baden: Nomos.

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thus, the grave of Ducic was included in the Serbian ethno-cultural space 27. In this case, it is appropriate to recall the concept of ethnoscape in the understanding of Anthony Smith, which can be interpreted as the territorialization of the historical memory of an ethnic (or confessional) community.28
The combination of various theoretical approaches to the analysis of the sacred space of death allows us to reveal the versatility and multilevel nature of the meanings contained in it-from the actual information (name, years of life) to the nuances of the identity of the deceased person and, in some cases, the entire group with which he associated himself during life (this, however, is not enough - it is necessary the mortem group also expressed a desire to associate the deceased's persona with itself).

Taking into account the fact that Prizren has historically been the most important multicultural and multiethnic center in the western Balkans, 29 I propose the following idea as a hypothesis: in the urban landscape, the sacred space of death is more open to innovative trends than, say, in rural areas, which allows you to quickly respond to current ethno-social processes and develop certain ways of expression identity - religious, ethnic, linguistic, national.

To study these identities in Kosovo at the beginning of the XXI century, it seems promising to conduct a comprehensive analysis of information related to the space of death. This will help us understand the processes of transformation (evolution and construction) of the above types of identity at the individual and collective levels, as well as answer the question of how the space of death can be used as a platform for its manifestation.

Street obituaries

Street obituaries are an integral part of the information space of the Balkan region.

27. Ibid., pp. 88 - 91.

28. Smith, A. D. (1999) Myths and Memories of the Nation, pp. 153 - 155. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

29. In contrast to, say, Pristina, which, firstly, until the middle of the 20th century was significantly smaller than Prizren and, secondly, did not have such a diverse ethnic and religious composition of the population.

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point 30. I will not speak in detail about the Christian origins, history and peculiarities of this tradition, referring the reader to the monograph of the Bulgarian researcher Emilia Karaboeva, which covers these issues.31 As a rule, in cities and villages, special boards are installed for obituaries, often near a church or mosque, as well as in places that are local centers of social life in the city, village, quarter (square, intersection, boulevard). According to E. Karaboeva, the street obituary outlines the territory of the deceased's presence-during life and after death.32 Indeed, obituaries are often placed only on the territory of the mahala quarter where the deceased lived; in addition, the obituary text contains information about the cemetery, church / mosque, or other place where the farewell ceremony or memorial meal will take place; thus, the obituary really sets the grid of coordinates of the individual space of death.

Obviously, the main function of an obituary is to notify the community about the fact of the death of its member, the time and place of the funeral, and subsequently-memorial events. In addition, E. Karaboeva uses the example of the Bulgarian tradition to talk about the ritual, liminal, communicative, emotive and integrative functions of street obituaries.33 Without in any way calling into question the Bulgarian author's research, I would like first of all to draw attention to how street obituaries are used to represent the identities of various population groups in a multi-confessional and multi-ethnic post-conflict society and by what means this is achieved.

Nowadays, printing companies that produce obituaries develop templates that are offered to customers. Based on my observations and materials

30. It is incorrect to consider the street obituary as an exclusively Balkan phenomenon, since such a tradition exists in Poland, Italy, and the Middle East, but it is absent, for example, in Romania. See: Karaboeva E. Obituary, pp. 24-25. However, in the framework of this study, we believe that the obituary - although it is not just a part of the obituary - is not a part of the obituary itself. Balkan cultural feature - participates in a special way in the organization of the public space of the Balkan locality (living in Albania, Bulgaria, Greece and the countries of the former Yugoslavia).

31. Ibid., pp. 64 - 104.

32. Ibid., p. 112.

33. Ibid., pp. 138 - 166.

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from the literature, on the territory of the former Yugoslavia - in Montenegro, Serbia, Kosovo, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina - street obituaries have the same form. This fact, it would seem, should deprive the street obituary of an individual dimension. Nevertheless, the relatives of the deceased find an opportunity to present the desired image of the deceased.

As a result of applying the basic principles of qualitative content analysis, it turns out that the means of marking identities on street obituaries in Prizren are divided into visual and verbal ones. Visual tools primarily include a color scheme and an established set of graphic symbols and images. If the family needs to emphasize the connection of the deceased with Islam, then on the obituary there is a green color as a marker of the denomination. In Prizren, you can also find special obituary boards painted green (although they can be significantly removed from the mosque), which is an effective way to divide confessions. In particular, on the embankment of the Bistrica/Lumbardi River, there are two obituary boards next to each other - green and black; the second one was obviously intended for use by non-Muslims (this is also indicated by a metal structure standing next to it-probably for candles), however, since the number of Christians living in the city is currently insignificant, black the stand is also used by Muslims. Karaboeva speaks of the obituary as a border, understanding it as a symbolic boundary between worlds34, however, in our case, the border marked by obituaries runs within the urban community, since the combination of red and black colors in the obituary is usually typical for Catholics, and Orthodox Serbs use a black-and-white color scheme.

In addition to the color scheme, information about the religious affiliation of the deceased is also transmitted using symbols of denominations: crescent-hilal and cross - for Muslims and Christians, respectively, while both Catholic Albanians and Orthodox Serbs use a four-pointed (so-called Latin) cross. The presence or absence of a portrait of the deceased on the obituary is also important, since the absence of a portrait may indicate that relatives

34. Ibid., pp. 157 - 159-

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the deceased position their family as orthodox-Muslim, following the prohibition of Islam on the image of any living beings in the production of obituaries 35. In some cases, instead of the symbol of the denomination, the obituary contains an image of a double-headed eagle - the ethno-national symbol of Albanians, and then the famous lines of the Albanian poet, writer and patriot Pashko Vasa (1825-1892) come to mind: "Do not pay attention to churches or mosques: the faith of Albanians is Albanism!" 36.

Verbal means of marking identity primarily include language, which serves for self-identification not only of the deceased and his family, but also of the entire local community. For example, in the Turkish mahala, the vast majority of obituaries are written in Turkish, and their language is absolutely normative 37, despite the fact that the dialect of Prizren differs significantly from the literary norm 38. Being a formalized genre of communication, obituaries show a very high level of use of cliches, stable well-wishes, and euphemisms related to the denomination ("die" - boen, preselio se na

35. Ср.: Halimi-Statovci, D. (2008) "Ergologjiae monumenteve perkushtuese", Gjurmime albanologjike. Folklor dhe etnologji 38:187.

36. "E mos shikoni kisha e xhamia/Feja e shqyptarit asht shqyptaria!" (translated by the author). From the poem " O Albania, poor Albania "(Alb. "O moj Shqypni e mjera Shqypni"),

37. I would like to thank V. V. Tsibenko (Ivanov), Senior Researcher of the SKSC of the Higher School of Economics of the Southern Federal University, for the consultation.

38. A more detailed analysis of these strategies in the recent period of Kosovo's history is very relevant, since the right to express one's own ethnic and linguistic identity is stipulated in the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan and in the Rules on the Use of Languages. Chapter 2 of the Rules states: "On the territory of the Prizren community, Albanian, Serbian, Bosnian and Turkish are recognized as official languages for equal use in municipal administrative bodies, educational and health institutions, as well as in any sphere of public interaction." For the full text of the Rules, see the website of municipal authorities: http://kk.rks-gov net/ prizren / getattachment / Kuvendi-%281 %29 / Regulations / RREGULLOREN-PeR-PeRDORIMIN-E-GJUHeVE. pdf. aspx (accessed 22.12.2013). Let me remind you that Serbian is one of the two state languages in Kosovo, and the official departments of the republic use Latin graphics. See also: Katunin D. A. Modern language legislation of Kosovo and Metohija: formation, dynamics and trends. pp. 103-113. Об актуальной языковой ситуации см.: Sikimic, B. (2012) "Linguist in the Enclave: Ethical Dimensions of the Fieldwork Research", in Takashina, Y. (ed.) Lingua-Culture Contextual Studies in Ethnic Conflicts of the World, pp. 290 - 309. Lahore: Sang-E-Meel Publications.

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Ahiret, finished, moved to Ahirat39; Alb. nderroijete, finished, changed his life). The choice of the alphabet-Latin, Cyrillic, Arabic - and its functioning are also determined by ethno-confessional factors. Thus, the use of the Cyrillic alphabet 40 in Kosovo is one of the ways to mark Serbianism, while other groups of the population use the Latin alphabet, and Arabic letters on obituaries contain suras from the Koran.

Of course, one of the most important markers of a person's identity is his / her personal name - it carries information about ethnic and confessional, and in some cases, about local identity. So, for example, it is not difficult to guess that the late Ramiz (Nazif) Ramadani was an Albanian who professed Islam, and Pashk (Pjeter) Laqi was an Albanian Catholic; in turn, the Muslims Abdtilkadir (Durmis) Tamnik and Seciba (Sezair) Vujic represented the Turkish and Bosniak communities, respectively.

Cemeteries

A cemetery (or an alternative place, depending on the method of burial) is a necessary topos of any socially developed space. At the same time, the whole set of cemeteries and burial grounds in a particular area reflects its ethno-confessional history and helps to understand current social processes. An important feature of the organization of Prizren cemeteries, which remains to this day, is their opposition to each other and the territorial differentiation of Muslim and non-Muslim burial sites.

In Prizren, all 41 currently known cemeteries are located in the south-western part of the city and are located next to each other:

39. Ahirat (from Arabic) - in Muslim eschatology, the designation of the other world.

40. On the use and functional differentiation of Cyrillic and Latin characters within the Serbo-Croatian language continuum and its separate literary languages, see: Greenberg, R. D. (2008) Language and Identity in the Balkans. Serbo-Croatian and its Disintegration, pp. 41 - 44, 60 - 63. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

41. Our tasks did not include the study of individual burials of the heads of the community (baba, from the Turkish baba-father) and dervishes of Sufi tariqas, located, as a rule, on the territory of monasteries.

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- the already mentioned 15th-century Ottoman memorial cemetery "Qarabash" with the mausoleums of Qarabash Bab (many Prizren urban legends are associated with his person), Qemani Rabiye Khanim and Sheikh Hussein; these tombs are revered as holy places, being loci of religious pilgrimage, and are also included in the structure of the celebration of St. George's Day (alb. Dita e Shengjergjit, Serbian. Durdevdan, celebrated on April 23 / May 6) regardless of the religious or ethnic background of the celebrants 42;

- a functioning Christian cemetery with Orthodox and Catholic sites;

- a functioning Muslim cemetery.

There is no ethnic division in the Muslim cemetery of Prizren: Albanian graves, which make up the majority, are located next to Slavic and Turkish ones. Despite the formal absence of separate ethnic sites, a certain concentration of graves of people of a certain origin still occurs due to the fact that members of the same family tend to consolidate the graves of their loved ones into family sectors. This is especially evident on the graves of Slavic immigrants from the village: often the place of birth of the deceased is indicated on the tombstone (odZlipotok-izZlipotok-odZli-potoka; from Krstac, etc.Of course, this should be considered as a way of influencing space; by declaring their place of origin, people thereby declare their presence, emphasizing their own identity. Since Islam does not distinguish between believers based on their origin, the language of epitaphs should be considered a stable and, perhaps, the main marker of the deceased's ethnicity. If the Albanian and Turkish graves in this case do not show any significant features, then in the case of Slavic (Boshnyak and Goran), by now there has been an almost complete transition to Latin graphics, while in 1960-1990, the share of the use of the Latin alphabet and Cyrillic alphabet was approximately equal (we repeat: in in modern Kosovo, the Cyrillic alphabet is a stable symbol of Serbian Orthodoxy). It is also important to note that

42. Siqeca, Sh. (1990) "Gjurmet e kultit te Shengjergjit ne Prizren", in Studime etnografik i ndryshimeve bashkekohore ne kulturen popullore shqiptare, pp. 155 - 162. Prishtine.

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the language of Slavic epitaphs is based on ekavitsa43; there is also indistinguishable and/or mixed affricates c/h and s / h in the letter, which is generally characteristic of the speech of Western Balkan Islamized Slavs, as well as Orthodox people who have long been in contact with Muslims (Turks, Albanians)44.

The Christian cemetery of Prizren consists of two unequal parts-the larger Orthodox (Serbian) and the smaller Catholic (Albanian), between which there is no visible border, while the cemetery itself is surrounded by a single fence. As a significant part of the Serbian urban population has been forced to leave the city since 199845 and the borders of Kosovo, the Orthodox sector of the cemetery is gradually becoming desolate, covered with grass and bushes; moreover, some graves are being desecrated by Albanians.46 Against this background, Catholic graves appear even more well-groomed-rich family tombs decorated with lamps, figures of angels and doves. It is obvious that the desecration of a cemetery is an act of demonstrating confessional, ethnic and political dominance, as well as a crude attempt to erase cultural and historical memory.

Catholics have never been a significant ethnic and confessional group in Kosovos47, but their presence in Kosovo is still very strong.

43. In contrast to the literary norm of the Bosnian language based on Jekavica.

44. MapKoeuh J. Косовско-Метохщске одлике српских народних говора. С. 150 - 151.

45. In 2004, the Serbian quarter of Potka/baja was burned down in Prizren (Turkish: Prizren Kalealti, alb. Nenkalaja).

46. In particular, on 21 January 2013, the official website of the Rasko-Prizren and Kosovo-Metohija Diocese of the Serbian Orthodox Church published a report about fifty desecrated Serbian graves in Prizren. www.eparhija-prizren.com / sr / saopstenja / saopstenje-eparhije-povodom-sinocnjeg-skrnavljenja-5-pravoslavnih-grobalja-na-kosovu-i-m e (accessed from 23.12.2013). Monuments destroyed on the territory of Kosovo become the object of special research: Rešij M. Spomenichki natpisi sa dela porushenih pravoslavnih grobaša u Podrimi i Pežkom Podgoru / / IstraživaœA srpskogjezika na Kosovu i Metohiji. kœ. 1. Kosovska Mitrovica, 2010. pp. 157-187.

47. Speaking of Catholics in Kosovo, we can now use the figure of 65-70 thousand, i.e. ~ 3-4 % of the total population. See: Elsie, R. (2004) Historical dictionary of Kosova, pp. 36-37. Lanham: Scarecrow Press; Ismajli, R. and Kraja, M. (eds) (2011) Kosova: vestrim monografik, p. 607. Prishine: Akademia e Shkencave dhe e Arteve e Kosoves. Historical sources mention 200 Catholics in Prizren in 1623 / 1624. See: Rizaj, S. (1987) Kosova gjate shekujve XV, XVI dhe XVIII, p. 403. Tigape: 8 Nuntori. In 1858, the community of Prizren was 800 (~ 3.2 %). See Ismajli, R. and Kraja, M. (eds) Kosova: vestrim monografik, p. 115. On the confessional composition of the Prizren Sanjak

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These days - factual and historical-are emphasized in every possible way, which is one of the ways to form the image of Kosovo as a democratic state. Thus, in attempts to create a multi-ethnic and multi-confessional Kosovo, Catholicism is often presented as synonymous with Christianity in general, including Kosovars in the picture of confessional identities.48 A symbol of this can serve as the infamous Cathedral "Mother Teresa" in Pristina, striking for its unjustified size. One may get the impression that the role of Orthodoxy in this respect is artificially diminished. This fact certainly took place in the early 2000s, when the Albanian authorities kept references to Orthodoxy to a minimum. These days, however, the official media is increasingly including the Serbian Orthodox Church49, and photos and descriptions of the Patriarchate of Pec, the High Decani and Gracanica monasteries, as well as the world-famous Church of Our Lady of Leviška (Prizren) are found in all local guidebooks.

We should not lose sight of the fact that in post-war Kosovo, the cemetery is involved in the formation of national identity and is used for its manifestation. This is achieved primarily by the following techniques: in the decoration of gravestones (mainly Muslim) and the grave space, symbols of the Albanian nation are quite actively used: the flag and coat of arms with a double-headed eagle; the deceased are depicted in a traditional headdress made of felt plis (Alb. plis-i)50. At the moment, there is a certain fashion for making tombstones in the shape of the contour of Greater Albania 51 and Kosovo, which is very original and, of course,

in the 17th and 20th centuries, see also: Wiet, E. (l866) "Memoire sur Le Pachalik de Prisrend", Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie. Ve Serie. Tom XII. Octobre: 273 - 289; Kaleshi, H. and Kornrumpf, H. -Jii. (1967) "Das Wilajet Prizren. Bejtrag zur Geschichte der tiirkischen Staatsreform auf dem Balkan im 19. Jahrhundert", Sudost-Forschimgen. Band XXVI: 176 - 238; Osmani, Ju. (2006) Vendbanimet e Kosoves. Libri 18: Prizreni, pp. 85-87, 216-217 and OTHERS-Prishtine.

48. Kraja, M. (2011) Identiteti kosovar, pp. 234 - 236. Prishtine.

49. См.: Kosovo 2.0. (2012), Religjioni 3: 58 - 63.

50. See also: Halimi-Statovci, D. "Ergologjia e monumenteve perkushtuese", pp. 177,184.

51. Great (also Ethnic or Natural) Albania (Alb. Shiperia e Madhe, Shiperia Etnike, Shiperia Natyrale) - a nationalist project to consolidate the territories inhabited by Albanians-Albania, Kosovo, southern Montenegro (Ulcinj, Podgorica communities), Serbia (Bujanovac, Presevo and Medvedja communities), in total

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an effective way of broadcasting the national idea (in the first case) and memorializing the events of the 1990s-2000s (in the second case), the central one of which was the recognition of Kosovo as an independent state by a number of countries (2008).

Thus, the cemetery space serves as a vehicle for several ideas at once, among which it is necessary to highlight the following::

- the Albanian national idea (Albanism), marked with national flags (Alb. Flamuri i Kombit) and grave monuments in the form of the contour of Greater Albania, etc.;

- memorialization of the events of the 1990s - 2000s related to the struggle for independence of Kosovo and its acquisition (symbols of the Kosovo Liberation Army, Alb. Ushtria Qlirimtare e Kosoves, monuments in the shape of the outline of Kosovo, portraits in camouflage and with weapons, etc.) 52;

- The policy of creating an image of a new, democratic Kosovo and representing it as an independent state is implemented by using the state flag, rather than the national flag, as a decoration of graves, as well as measures to restore and support historical and non-Muslim cemeteries.

Conclusions

The analysis of the collected material confirms that the space of Prizren's death serves as an indicator and guide of the current ethno-social processes and trends taking place in modern Kosovo. Special attention should be paid to the mechanisms of forming and maintaining the image of Kosovo as a multicultural, multiethnic and multi-confessional state. In addition, despite uncontrolled outbreaks of ethnic nationalism, historical cemeteries, as well as cemeteries of ethnic and confessional minorities, are given an extremely important role as places of memory in building the modern cultural landscape and historical map of Kosovo.

Prizren's example serves as a good confirmation of the fact that in a post-crisis society, the space of death

western Macedonia (with centers in Tetovo and Gostivar), northern Greece (so-called Chameria - Northern Epirus).

52. Halimi-Statovci, D. "Ergologjia e monumenteve perkushtuese", pp. 182 - 187.

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It is used by the bearers of tradition for a special declaration of the ethnic, confessional and national identity of their own group, since 53 gravestones and street obituaries are an ideal platform for symbolization. At the same time, the political and intellectual elite uses the space of death to maintain ideological discourse, which is expressed in mass actions and rallies in memory of the fallen heroes of the KLA/UCC 54.

Summing up, I would like to note that considering the space of death in the context of studying the processes of identity transformation in a post-crisis society is very promising, since the totality of its toposes within the framework of the space constructed and controlled by society is a container of many meanings that are only covered with deathly silence.

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